By Raymond Lotta
From the preface:
" The scathing feedback and slanders opposed to the 4 are thinly veiledattacks on Mao Tsetung and Mao Tsetung inspiration. actually, this wasnot a "gang of four," it used to be a "gang of 5" simply because those revolutionaries have been heavily allied with Mao and he had put his self belief inthem. And, really, it wasn't a "gang" at all-it used to be the center of therevolutionary headquarters in the chinese language Communist Party.Today exhortations for order, hard work self-discipline and every thing foreconomic improvement have changed Mao's uncomplicated line of continuous therevolution and his name to "grasp revolution, advertise production." TheCultural Revolution has, certainly, come to an finish as inscribed by means of thenew rulers of China within the Political document added through Hua Kuo-fengat the llth celebration Congress in 1977-but now not for the explanations they wouldhave us think. It has ended as the competition which Mao wasfighting to his final breath has pop out on best, having seized keep an eye on of the social gathering, military and country organs.How might whatever like this occur? Is it easily the results of the machinations and pursuits of some leaders? "
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Extra resources for And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle
Significantly, Hua's report called for "rectification" at the county Party level-directing people's attention away from the struggle at the highest levels. The issue at this conference was not the importance of farm mechanization just as it was not the importance of modernizing industry, science and technology, and defense. It was on what terms to approach development of the economy and whether revolution would be in the leading position. Hua's speech left no doubt as to where he stood, and it became a key weapon in the Right's arsenal.
This was most notable in the February Adverse Current of 1967 which Yeh and Li had been connected with. This was an attempt to call the Cultural Revolution to an end before too many toes got stepped on. Chou himself, it seems, had been won by Mao to going along with the Cultural Revolution. Back in 1956-57 Chou had dragged his feet and, in effect, opposed the great upsurges that led to the Great Leap Forward, though he later came around to supporting it. So it should come as no surprise that Mao would say that he was a minority of one at times among the old guard on the Central Committee in the period leading to the Cultural Revolution.
What counted was the actual content of the ownership-whether the workers were really in charge of enterprises and whether a line of narrowing and restricting or one of expanding differences and inequalities was in command. The dictatorship of the proletariat could not stop half-way, either at a certain level of ownership or only in certain sectors. The working class must exercise all-round and long-term dictatorship if the political, economic and ideological strength and influence of the bourgeoisie were to be defeated and society to move forward.
And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle by Raymond Lotta